viewpoint-east.org

Vardag i Lviv

Category: by sophie engström, ukraina
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(Läsningstid: 2 minuter)

Idag är dagen efter presidentvalet i Ukraina. Och dagen efter EU-parlamentsvalet. I Europa och Sverige gick EU-kritiker och EU-skeptiker fram. Folk har röstat på politiker som ska åka till EU för att sabotera. Och det kommer både från höger och vänster.

I Ukraina röstade man för Europa. Petro Porosjenko är en pro-europeisk politiker. Man säger här att han var det enda alternativet. De andra var helt enkelt för dåliga. Han är inte optimal, men antagligen tillräckligt bra, säger många här. Jag minns när jag såg honom första gången på Euromajdans scen. Och jag minns hur jag sa “Han borde vara Ukrainas president”. Nu verkar jag det som jag fick rätt. jag hoppas också att det ÄR rätt.

Det viktiga för mig personligen är att Ukraina har lärt mig att tro på och förstå Europa. Jag har lärt mig att se att EU inte är ett optimalt projekt, men det enda alternativet.

Och i Lviv återgår vi till vardagen. Staden vaggar fram mot framtiden, och snart har vi nått hela vägen hem. Hela vägen hem till Europa.

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Svårt att greppa?

Category: by sophie engström, EU, ukraina
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(Läsningstid: 3 minuter)

Ibland tror jag att det är svårt att greppa vad som händer här i Ukraina. Jag märker att det är väldigt få andra som engagerar sig än de som har en direkt koppling till landet. Trots att Ukraina är ett land som ligger så nära Sverige ser jag lite bevis på intresse i svensk media. Fast att jag inte är förvånad funderar jag på varför. Är det för att det är ett land som väldigt få svenskar besökt eller är det för att man helst inte känner någon samhörighet med folken österut?

Jag tror tyvärr att det är det senare. Förtrycket i Belarus har t.ex. pågått i decennier men det svenska engagemanget är svalt. Motsatserna finns ju och en stor eloge till Östgruppens oförtröttliga arbete. Att stödet för de fängslande Pussy riot-medlemmarna var stort kan förklaras med att många andra länder och t.ex kända artister engagerade sig.

Finns det då andra orsaker till varför det är svårt att engagera sig i denna revolution? Ja, jag tror det.  EU är en komplex fråga i Sverige. Vänstern är kategoriskt negativa och att ställa sig bakom demonstranter med EU-flaggor blir motsägelsefullt. Vänstern är viktig, för det är ofta de som kan mobilisera folk att demonstrera. Inom högern är det längre till det initiativet även om det givetvis förekommer.

Det står tydligen utom all tvivel att vänstern i Sverige offrar stödet till Ukrainas folk på en inrikespolitik fråga. Detta trots att Ukrainas myndigheter har brutit mot all internationell rätt och misshandlat fredliga demonstranter.

Det finns även en annan förklaring. En förklaring som är mindre trevlig för vänstern.  Många inom den politiska vänstern när en överdrivet romantiserad bild av Sovjetunionen. Att kritisera ex. Ryssland kan därför vara känsligt.

Detta sammantaget leder till att man inom vänstern hellre väljer att vara tyst än visa ett öppet stöd för demonstranterna i Ukraina. Demonstranter som bara har en önskan att få leva i ett samhälle där yttrande frihet och mänskliga rättigheter råder. Detta gör de under en EU-flagga, inte för att de tror att EU är ett paradis utan för att det är den väg ut de ser.

I dagsläget råder stor osäkerhet om hur detta ska sluta. Kommer de slås ner med våld eller ebba ut beroende på minskat stöd? Eller skulle regeringen här mot all förmodan vända och gå demonstranterna till mötes? Jag hoppas i alla fall att fler utanför Ukrainas gränser ska vakna och ge sitt stöd. Detta så att vi kan få reda på vad som hänt de demonstranter som försvann förra veckan efter kravallpolisens tillslag. Hjälp Ukraina med det och tänk på att detta i första hand är en kamp mot korruption och diktaturer och i andra hand för EU som institution.

Avslutningsvis vill jag dela med mig av en artikel med bilder hur det såg ut på Majdan minuterna innan tillslaget lördagen den 30 november. Som ni ser på bilderna är majoriteten unga. Några av dessa är nu försvunna. Jag tycker att frågan om deras frihet och framtid är viktig. Vi ska inte ha en till diktatur i Europa. Det borde vi kunna vara överens om. Vare sig vi är för eller emot EU.

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Att vara, eller inte vara med i EU…

Category: by sophie engström, EU, photo by prallin, poland, ukraina, ukraine
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(Läsningstid: 3 minuter)

… är en fråga som visserligen bara några få ukrainare brottas med. För det finns nog nästan inte någon som tror att Ukraina verkligen vill, eller kan, bli en del av den EU-gemenskapen. Men härrom veckan fick jag ändå anledning att fundera över denna fråga, när jag hade en kortsemester i underbara Krakow. När man åker tåg från den ukrainska gränsen till Krakow slås man av den enorma skillnaden i levnadsförhållanden som till och med syns genom ett tågfönster. Polen verkligen exploderar av infrastrukturprojekt. Infrastruktur är en god markör för välfärd. Längs hela sträckan från ukrainska gränsen till Krakow byggs det t.ex. dubbelspår och stationerna renoveras. En nybyggd motorväg syns också genom fönstret. När man sedan stiger av tåget ser man även att landet har många synliga sociala projekt och till och med fler än jag ens ser i Sverige. Det är inte utan viss förvåning jag ser hur bra Polen mår av vara en del av den byråkratiska jättekolossen EU.

Jag vill påpeka att jag är egentligen inte är någon ensidig EU-förespråkare, men i en jämförelse med Polens östra granne, kan jag bara undra om det kanske är så att länder med behov av stor samhällelig upprustning faktiskt kan tjäna stort på att gå med i EU.

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Sedan Polen blivit ett EU-land har landet lyckats få bättre placeringar på Transparency Internationals lista över korruption. Som ett exempel kan man ta att bara sedan 2009 har Polen gått från plats 49 till 41 år 2012. Det är helt OK placering, men klart att den kan bli bättre. Men hur ser det ut för andra EU-länder? Polen ligger klart bättre till än Italien (72), Slovakien (62) eller Tjeckien (54). Ukraina däremot har, under samma period, gjort kräftgång på listan och befinner sig just på på plats 144 av 174 platser.

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Många pekar på att Ukraina står i ett vägskäl, mellan att närma sig EU eller den tullunion Ryssland leder. För en region som Lviv skulle det vara katastrofalt om Ukraina närmade sig Ryssland. Regionen lever på de myrstigar av handel och kontakter som går mellan Polen och Ukraina. Samtidigt är det så att Ukraina måste börja arbeta med sin utbredda korruption om man närmar sig EU. Och det är inte så enkelt. Det är nämligen de som sitter på makten som samtidigt är de som tjänar på korruptionen.

Men att närma sig Ryssland är inte heller helt problemfritt. Jätten i öster har nämligen problem. Ryssland största problem är inte demokratin utan just korruption. Det är korruptionen som upprör medborgarna mer än demokratiproblem och de leder dessutom till att de svagaste i samhället drabbas. (Lyssna på Johanna Melins reportage från Noginsk i Ryssland).

Så frågan om Ukrainas vägval är knappast så enkel som det ofta sägs. Och ingen av alternativen verkar helt bra. Från mitt perspektiv vore det faktiskt bäst om Ukraina slapp välja. Jag skulle önska att det fanns möjlighet att samarbeta och utvecklas med Polen. Att få ta del av polackernas nyvunna självförtroende och vägledning hur man tyglar korruptionen. Kanske vore Polen en bättre och mer realistisk inspirationskälla än flera av de övriga länderna inom EU.


EU and UK visa policy towards Ukrainians – ‘go back to Russia!’ (?)

Category: by Jonathan Hibberd, EU, guests, ukraine
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(Läsningstid: 3 minuter)

The shameful treatment of Ukrainians by the Schengen and UK visa systems continues to hit new heights, with at least two more atrocious stories emerging this week.

The UK’s Independent highlighted the rejections of visas for Ukrainian children who were due to spend a month away from the vicinity of Chernobyl. Whether these trips are healthwise still strictly necessary is open to question, but the point is that these summer trips have gone on for years without any problems. In just one example, only 7 out of 17 children due to spend part of the summer on the Isle of Wight were permitted to travel and, to make matters worse, they were in some cases informed only the night before travelling, with suitcases packed, that they would not be making the trip. The UK Border Agency tried to blame it on unsuitable host families in the UK, but the claims seem to be spurious.

Chernobyl/Pripyat Exclusion Zone (083.8244)
Photo from Chernobyl by Pedro Moura Pinheiro.

Another case highlighted this week was of two PhD students bound for Italy who had their student visas rejected. There is an exhaustive list of similar cases, including the Ukrainian dance troupe which protested against their UK visa rejections by performing outside the British Embassy in Kiev. A folk festival in Bellingham had been deprived of the same pleasure. A recent article in the Kyiv Post highlighted an unfortunate Ukrainian student’s extended stay in the departure lounge of Paris Charles de Gaulle airport due to the Icelandic volcano. The fact that he had friends in nearby Paris and was on a US student visa cut no ice with the French authorities despite clear evidence in favour of the applicant. Another case brought to my attention by my father was a group of Ukrainian steam train operators which was prevented from attending a gathering of railway preservationist organisations in Hungary. The gathering was part of the process of trying to bring Ukrainians round to creating the kind of railway preservation projects which have grown tourism in myriad places across the continent. Such developments are fairly alien in somewhere like Ukraine, but these are good examples of how visa rejections will serve to reinforce the status quo.

One not to be ignored result of this policy is the stress that it has caused to EU citizens in each case. With cases of a more personal nature this stress is amplified. In such cases the inviting party is treated as irrelevant to the matter in hand or even worse, de facto made out to be liars. These rejections are damaging business, cultural, educational, family and personal contacts of EU citizens. Don’t we have rights too?

With the common thread here seeming to be the apparently arbitrary nature of many visa rejections, does it smack of conspiracy theories to begin to question whether there is a more sinister motive at work here? Are the EU and UK in fact telling Ukrainians in fairly blunt terms to ‘go back to Russia’? The line has been drawn and, sorry, you’re on the Moscow side. If this is not the message they wish to give out, they’re not doing a very good job!

This was previously published at Chicken in Kiev.

Jonathan Hibberd recently completed post-graduate studies at Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex in the UK and has carried out research into questions of Ukraine’s European integration and the country’s relationship with NATO. He currently works with the British Council in Kiev.


A Western Coalition? – Western Ukraine needs a new strategy

Category: by Jonathan Hibberd, guests, ukraine
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(Läsningstid: 6 minuter)

Where is Western Ukraine in the new political order? You could be forgiven for thinking it had disappeared from the map altogether. The new President has put a Russian in charge of the country, and set out on a course coherent with restoring Ukraine’s place to that of the ‘little Russia’ which had for the past 19 years existed only the minds of out-of-touch, chauvinistic Muscovites. Western Ukraine is now a marginalised and, some would argue, despised frontier province with nothing to offer the new order. It may even now, some might suppose, become the ‘enemy’ on which the need for ‘stability’ (meaning authoritarianism) is sold to the people, in the way that Russia scapegoats the clearly terrifying Estonia and Georgia (and up until now Ukraine) as reasons to stick to ‘strong government’. Egg-throwing and rostrum-blocking in parliament does little to dispel these insinuations.

If the new order is to persist, it poses questions to the west of the country that have never before been so prescient. Independent Ukraine was born of what one might call an unholy alliance between the communists of the east and the nationalists of the west. For many years this grand bargain carried benefits as well as disadvantages for both sides. Whilst an eastern-based business mafia held sway over the country’s industry and economy, a kind of ‘cultural mafia’ advanced a linguistic and cultural agenda that more favoured the west of the country. This grand bargain is now breaking up. Some would say this breaking up was started in the Yushchenko era. Others might contend that it is now, under Yanukovych, that one side of the country feels most disenfranchised. What is clear is that nothing is now being done with the aim of enhancing national unity. Instead of an over-arching, inclusive, reform-minded government under a prime minister such as Tigipko which the most optimistic might have hoped for, the new President has opted for a Russo-centric position. It is difficult to see how divisive appointments such as Tabachnyk can be considered necessary pragmatism. The idea that in the country that suffered the Holodomor children might in the very near future be opening textbooks that state that Stalin was a ‘strong leader who made tough decisions for Russia’ is going to be most sickening to those in the west.


Oleskiy Palace. Photo by Em and Ernie

Part of Western Ukraine’s problem is that the figures they have backed in the past have in fact served the region’s wider interests very poorly. Although large numbers turned out in the presidential second round to support Tymoshenko, there seemed little to recommend her, apart from that she wasn’t Yanukovych. The orange politicians who wrap themselves in Ukrainian patriotism in fact have interests much closer to the centre. At the other extreme, Ukrainian nationalist or patriotic parties can be seen as somewhat eccentric, perhaps extremist, in any case for many people not truly electable. Western Ukraine is clearly different to the rest of the country, culturally and linguistically and in its aspirations. These differences are only being exacerbated in the current circumstances. Western Ukrainians themselves need to start thinking about how to empower themselves against the current unenviable odds. A lot will depend on what sort of system emerges over the next couple of years.

If the current semi-parliamentary system persists, the west might look at its options modelled on regional/cultural political blocks in other European countries. In Italy, the Northern League sheds any illusions that it is a party of national consensus, and seeks to represent its regional interest within the country, where it feels under-represented. In Romania and Slovakia, the Hungarian minority is represented by Hungarian coalition parties. These coalition parties host within them a diverse set of views, from moderates to nationalists, but who manage to agree on over-arching concerns, and lobby for concessions in these areas, frequently as kingmakers in coalitions. Strong patriots might feel a need to prioritise issues such as UPA recognition, but in reality, forsaking the bigger issues over such matters does little to help the next generation. Even the People’s Self Defence block, which is an attempt at coalition party building, does not have a broad enough appeal. As the Conservatives in the UK who are learning coalition politics from scratch now realise, one has to look at the big picture. The over-arching issues for Western Ukrainians are obvious: education and language, relations with Europe and the need for a credible economic development policy for the region. So a kind of ‘Western Coalition’ could be the answer.


Lviv. Photo by Lyncis

However, we face the real prospect that the 2012 parliamentary elections may mean very little. Even if they are free and fair, including access of all political groupings to the media, the acquisition of ‘tushki’ might allow the powers that be to ‘tidy up’ any slightly messy outcome to the vote. Or who is to say at the moment that these elections won’t go the way of the currently delayed local elections? If this election finishes with the west of the country having no voice, thoughts will inevitably turn to the idea of secession. A strategy for independence would then need some serious thought. If there is a clear sentiment in favour of the idea, unofficial polls might be conducted, perhaps modelled on the unofficial pro-independence referendums that have been taking place across Catalonia.

Independence would have many advantages. Patriotic Western Ukraine would have the over-arching unity of purpose that has benefited the likes of Hungary and Poland. The overseas diaspora would be able to assist in the kinds of ways they were in Estonia, for example. Also, with suggestions that Moldova might just sneak into the EU because ‘it’s small’ (a lame criteria perhaps, but it is how many in Brussels seem to think) perhaps the EU will be able to stomach a bite-size Ukraine of, say, 7-10 million people rather than 46 million, a good chunk of whom it can be argued don’t even want to be there. A small ship is easier to turn. Observe how previously backsliding Slovakia leapfrogged its neighbours to join the Euro.

This may all of course be pie in the sky. Secession is difficult to achieve from any country. However, if aggravations produce policy concessions rather than independence, this may in itself be valuable enough, and would be preferable to marginalisation. Against this however there is the question of the west-looking centre of Ukraine. They might be the next to be marginalised.

Perhaps a separatist approach is not the best way forward at a time when a united opposition is most crucial, but nonetheless Western Ukraine needs to think very carefully before persisting with politicians who talk the talk, but in fact have little interest in the region. There is a grave danger of Western Ukrainians continuing to throw away their votes to minigarchs, thugs and tushki, and it is perhaps time that, as a united front, the region acts for itself. In any case, if the coming years prove to be difficult, a distinction may develop between those who understand and defend their civil and democratic rights, and those who are prepared to allow their freedoms to be compromised for the ‘greater good’.

Of course, the best scenario is not independence for Western Ukraine but for the entire country to be anchored into the EU accession process which helps to foster civil rights, democracy and economic reform for the country as a whole, and which would put pay to many of the worries that currently exist. It is only in the complete absence of a membership perspective for Ukraine that worries about where Ukraine is drifting have become all too real, and hence the need to possibly take a look at some radical alternative scenarios. The alternative of wait and see could be very costly.

To take the analogy of Belgium, another European country that is frequently described as divided, a few decades ago the French-speaking south dominated industrially and culturally, whilst the Dutch-speaking north was poorer. A few years on it is now the north that is in the ascendency with its new industries, with the once proud south a decaying rustbelt. Steel and coalmining are yesterday’s industries, light manufacturing, services and tourism are tomorrow’s, and it is Western Ukraine that is best placed to grasp this opportunity, if it is allowed to.

This has previously been published at Chicken in Kiev (or) Kiev Rus


Simple-minded portrait of Ukraine

Category: by sophie engström, EU, NGO, ukraine
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(Läsningstid: 2 minuter)

It is intrigues to note how international media is covering the aftermath of the Ukrainian Presidential election. I am not considering the political battle, or the long and protracted death struggle by Tymoshenko, but actually how international media looks upon the result. First of all, it seems to me that many journalist in “old media” (to use a concept from the Swedish Pirate movement) seems to have a predilection to depict Ukrainian voters as a hopeless passive group, like silent masses that never would be able to protest against possible violations against human rights or freedoms of speech. In most articles the voters does not even exists! (One example from the leading Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter.) It seems to me that many international journalists actually nurse the idea that the orange revolution was created by some kind of misstake. NOT as a protest against something that the Ukrainian voters actually felt humiliated by. This rather retarded interpretation of the situation actually leads to that many journalists seems to think that it is EU that must “save” Ukraine from itself. I would say that Timothy Garton Ash in guardian.co.uk actually nurse this particular perspective.

From his perspective it is important that Europe (which seems to be the same thing as EU for Ash) somehow secure the Ukrainian freedom. In one respect I must give him right, it is really important that EU understands the importance in having good relationship with Ukraine, and it is also important for EU to try to work faster and less obsessed by bureaucracy. But when he diminishes Ukraine to be only its politicians, I am wondering if he actually has understood what has happen during the past five years.

What we have been witnessing during this election is a triumph for democracy, and I am not sure that we should thank EU for that! I fear however that Ash would have preferred a complete capitalist integration, in that extent that Western interests should control all affairs and political life in Ukraine. Some kind of weird capitalistic interpretation of democracy. I can admit that I am as fond of Ash and trust him as much as I like Anders Åslund, which implies serious skepticism. For me it is just too obvious that the iron wall is really high and thick in their minds!

I, however, believe that democratic movements and freedoms of speech will need help during the next coming years, but I also believe that EU is not necessarily the guarantee that we will keep and develop that! What I am hoping for is grassroots initiatives, actions and connections over our boarders! It was actually grass-root movements that made the orange revolution possible, so let’s hope we together can create the best environment for freedom of speech and human rights in Ukraine.

(UPD: Thank you, Olha Wesnjanka for highlighting the article by Ash.)


Focus Ukraine

Category: 1989, eastern europe, EU, ukraine
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(Läsningstid: 3 minuter)

It is possibly that somebody have noticed that the a current focus at viewpoint-east.org in Ukraine. Actually December and January, and possibly also parts of February, will have focus Ukraine. I dont want the articles to focus only on politics or/and economics, so if you have any ideas, essays, articles etc about Ukraine, that you would like to share, please send me a note or just comment on this entry.

After I wrote the short comment on the Ukraine-EU summit yesterday, I discovered that this issue actually is able to be more debated than I thought. Checking around the web I see that very few have mentioned it at all. The one that have discussed it seems to have been less critical than, at least I, desired. And after a conversations over lunch yesterday with a Swedish project leader working with Georgia, I felt I need to come back a more to this issue.

Just to clarify, I have never had any high thoughts about EUs “commitment” in Ukraine or any other country east of Berlin, actually. But I think possibly EU should learn from some mistakes before and especially by US. After the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, USA seemed to lack ambition with their eastward connections. As Gross & Steinheer claims in “Economic transition in Central and Eastern Europe: Planting Seeds” (2004) USA had no clear view on how to approach economical changes in Eastern and Central Europe (I hate that concept, but please give me an acceptable idea of what to use instead and I will use that!) which implied that Europe, or consequently EU, won the economic battle. Of course, this is something that could be disputed – against and for Gross & Steinherr conclusion. But we could possibly agree on that EU have an influence over Eastern and Central Europe. Regardless or not of the American influence, because it is perhaps not possible to evaluate how “little” the American influence is in that comparison.

But honestly, this is not what I had in mind to discuss, I just wanted to establish once more that EU actually have an influence, and that the crucial point is not how big the influence are but rather what is the main idea with it.

As I told my “colleague” at lunch yesterday, I am not sure EU know what to do with their Eastern connection and Ukraine. They don’t have an agenda and consequently have to jump from one tree to an other in order to try to avoid and maneuver nervous, pleading questions from Ukrainian leaders. My opposition is that an unaware influence actually can be much more damaging than having an aggressive attitude or even xenophobic and warmongering one. Xenophobic attitudes is easily raised, everywhere, evidently also in Ukraine, as Olya Vesnjanka wrote today at Deutsche Welle.

Conclusions? Well, I am not certain EU ever had any clear ideas about Eastern and Central Europe. I just think they “won” the battle economically once, due to the fact that that USA was even more hesitating and doubtful than EU. But one can call me illusionist ; ) from one perspective, and that is from the point of view that I wish EU to evaluate what the connection and commitment with eastern Europe actually is about! And answer the questions, even if the answers gets nasty and unpleasant (as in “We don’t care about the countries, but we want to suck them dry and have what reamins of their small resources”). And it is possible that this could imply that future cooperation dies. But as I said above, the todays unaware and near-sighted commitment could in the long run be pretty harmful!